...and the West stays silent

Monster or hero?

By Susan Gibbs, daughter-in-law of a former Governor of Rhodesia.

Very few, black or white, genuinely mourn the death of Robert Mugabe. They may praise him as ‘an icon of Africa’s liberation’, but few will genuinely mourn his passing. Nor should they, for even by the abysmal standards of post-colonial Africa, ‘Comrade Bob’ was particularly bad.

In his first address after becoming President of Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia) following the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, he surprised even his supporters by declaring in clipped English: “I urge you, whether you are black or white, to join me in a new pledge…to forget our grim past, forgive others, and forget.” Yet it was Mugabe himself who never forgot or forgave. Years ago a close friend of his said: “Mugabe hates…nobody hates like Mugabe.”

Not fully aware of the depth of this hate, nor of the spiritual battle being waged, many have searched for other answers to his murderous malevolence. The fact remains that Mugabe was no founding father of Zimbabwe: he was the appalling destroyer of the ‘Jewel of Africa’.

Mugabe’s True Colours

Mugabe in 1982In the midst of the ‘Chimurenga’ (Zimbabwe’s war of liberation from white rule begun in the 1970s by bush fighters), at a summit of post-colonial African leaders in Gabon (West Africa), crucial decisions were imminent on Zimbabwe’s future leadership. The choice was between supporting Mugabe or his arch-rival, Joshua Nkomo. Mugabe was armed and supported by China, while Nkomo was armed and supported by Russia. Mugabe won the day – but he wanted one-party rule and in 1984 Nkomo fled temporarily to England.

Soon after taking power in 1980 Mugabe showed his true colours, as a tyrant intolerant of opposition, consolidating his power in what became known as the ‘Gukurahundi massacre’ in Matabeleland. A conservative estimate concluded that 20,000 black civilians (including women and children) were slaughtered in what has been classified internationally as genocide.

As the nation plunged into decades of famine, an HIV epidemic and hyperinflation in which the central bank printed useless notes (in one night 12 zeros were wiped off the currency), the arch-proponent of pan-Africanism and Marxism sought to apportion blame for the chaos and turned on Zimbabwe’s 4,000 white farmers.

Nothing better sums up Mugabe’s madness: the farmers were among Africa’s most efficient producers of food, the backbone of the economy and essential to the country’s survival, yet he turned on them with murderous viciousness. In the six months before we left at the end of 1983, 10% of the white farmers in our district had been murdered (including, during one Easter holiday, two little girls - school friends of our son - on a neighbouring farm).

Years ago a close friend of his said: “Mugabe hates…nobody hates like Mugabe.”

Brazen Corruption

Few leaders in modern history have been more brazenly corrupt than Mugabe. As the nation sunk into impoverishment, he taunted his citizens by throwing lavish parties at which French champagne and caviar were served.

During those long years many of us kept praying and asking the Lord how he could keep getting away with it for so long. But in Zimbabwe the elderly are respected and as the only African leader who had fought in a ‘war of liberation’, Mugabe was venerated in surrounding countries. Eventually his people were so weakened that they were unable to rise up against him and ZANU, his political party.

Realising at one point that his country needed to work to feed itself, Mugabe briefly pacified white farmers by offering Denis Norman the job of Minister of Agriculture (Norman, previously a minister in Ian Smith’s government, now lives in the UK and runs a small Christian charity dedicated to helping those who suffered during the war years). But after Mandela was released in 1990 and the glory bestowed on Mugabe as the golden boy of Africa shifted southwards, Mugabe ceased trying to woo the world.

Mbare township before (left) and after (right) Operation MurambatsvinaHe sent army personnel to DRC to plunder their diamonds and rape their women, and used army brutality to pillage Zimbabwe’s own diamonds, leading to the suffering and deaths of civilians in Marange. One of his worst actions, in the middle of a very severe winter in 2005, was Operation ‘Clear out Rubbish’ (Murambatsvina) in which he bulldozed slums in Harare. This resulted in the loss of some 700,000 homes and livelihoods, with an estimated 2.4 million indirectly affected. This still haunts many in Zimbabwe today.

Learning to Forgive

Despite his fierce anti-colonialism, declared Marxism and determination to end British rule, Mugabe clung to many customs that echoed colonial rule and maintained a deep personal admiration for the Queen.¹

My father-in-law represented the Queen in his capacity of Governor of Rhodesia between 1959 and 1969 and Mugabe wrote a glowing introduction to his biography “honouring him as a man of principle and commitment”.

He later followed this up by sending the 5^th Brigade, his North Korea-trained praetorian guard, to kill our family.

We left the country, but the couple who bought our farm were murdered a few months later. We feel profoundly blessed to have escaped without having had a family tragedy. A great many of us have had to learn the true meaning of forgiveness. I remain overwhelmed and grateful for the privilege to have felt the closeness of God during those years. 

I remain overwhelmed and grateful for the privilege to have felt the closeness of God during those years.

How to Eulogise

Throughout his long reign, much of Mugabe’s corruption and depravity was unknown to the wider world, as he stifled freedom of expression. Newspapers faced censorship and a ruthless and unrelenting onslaught was mounted on journalists, media houses and individuals who dared express themselves. On one particular occasion I remember the Bulawayo Chronicle was published with an entirely blank front page.

The tragic wreck of a country Zimbabwe became remained two years after Mugabe was deposed in an army coup. Mnangagwa, who has taken over, was involved with Mugabe’s atrocities and is generally regarded as worse.

Reflecting on Mugabe’s death, Fr. William Guri (CSsR, PhD) said the following:

For me to eulogize Robert Gabriel Mugabe would be an act of great betrayal to the many people who died and whose lives have been damaged for life by his long rule.

To eulogize Mugabe for me is to capitulate and give up the struggle for human rights and social justice. It will be to celebrate the triumph of the evil over the good, the false over the true, the darkness over the light, the irrational over the rational, the inhuman over the human.

After thinking long and hard about Robert Gabriel Mugabe, I have concluded that it is alright to feel no sadness and grief. It is alright not to mourn. It is also alright not to feel guilty for not feeling sad and for not mourning. Much as he disregarded Christian values and much as he debased humanity, I shall not allow him to diminish my Christian faith nor my humanity, which in Africa we call Ubuntu.

“Moreover, no man knows when his hour will come:
As fish are caught in a cruel net,
Or birds taken in a snare,
So men are trapped by evil times
That fall unexpectedly upon them”

(Ecclesiastes 9:12)

Susan Gibbs is the daughter-in-law of the late Sir Humphrey Gibbs, former Governor of Southern Rhodesia. She is the author of Call Of The Litany Bird: Surviving The Zimbabwe Bush War (2011, Loose Chippings).

Notes

1 A devout Catholic, educated by Jesuits, Mugabe was also a deeply religious man. His mother lived with him during his early years in Government House and each morning they took communion together. As the years went by and we began to see the face of evil in his actions, many felt that the Vatican should have taken action against him. Instead (grotesquely, it was felt) he was even permitted to attended the funeral of Pope John Paul II in 2005.

Napoleon I, Emmanuel Macron and the spirit of European integration

The leaders of the French Revolution instituted a ‘Cult of Reason’ and set up an altar to the ‘Goddess of Reason’ in Notre Dame cathedral, where the provocatively-clad ‘Goddess’, hailed as Liberty, frolicked with her entourage of maidens.

This ‘Culte’ has subsequently played a significant role in the French political consciousness. The cathedral has become a monument not to the glory of God, but to the glory of France: a symbol of French nationalism.

Here, Napoleon Bonaparte was crowned emperor in 1804; throughout the ceremony he wore a golden laurel wreath representative of the Roman Empire, and he crowned his wife Josephine (later divorced) with a replica of Charlemagne's crown. Charlemagne, a largely beneficent monarch, was the main heir to the Roman Empire in France/Germany.

From Napoleon to Macron

Napoleon emerged from the French Revolution. He most resembles Oliver Cromwell, but lacked Cromwell's deep Christian faith. Napoleon was a brilliant general, and the scourge of most of Europe for a decade. He ruled France in an enlightened secular regime, effectively as dictator, and crowned himself ‘emperor’ of France and Italy, seeing himself as a successor to Rome.

Notre Dame has become a monument not to the glory of God, but to the glory of France.

He attempted to overrun all of Europe; only Britain (who liberated Spain and Portugal from his grasp), Russia and Prussia had any success at all against him. At first, only the English Channel saved Britain; Napoleon began building (but never completed) a Channel tunnel. Hubris brought him many enemies outside France. In exile, the Mediterranean island of Elba couldn't contain him – he only succumbed when sent to the island of St. Helena in the remote south Atlantic. Consequently, many French people regard their emperor as a martyr.

President Macron is a fervent admirer of Napoleon and of French hegemony. After the fire, Macron described the restoration of Notre Dame as “notre destin profond” (‘our profound destiny’). He is anxious to have it restored before the Paris Olympic Games of 2024, which would (after the Paris Climate Conference, the Paris Peace Treaty regarding Iran, etc) seal France's and the EU's prestige as the leader of the international community. These games will celebrate, in Monsieur Macron's estimation, the re-establishment of Napoleon's empire - the EU.

I think we should pause to consider what spirit oversees Notre Dame – and the EU. I doubt it is God's spirit.

Asserting Control

The European Union is the construction, in the first place, of France (and Belgium, which is deeply under French influence). It was founded by the Treaty of Rome, and soon began to look like an embryonic ‘Roman Empire’ (actually embracing more of Europe now than the latter ever did).

Under President Macron, France is again asserting its dominance in continental Europe. His authoritarian, not to say aggressive,¹ attitude to the issue of Brexit, is noteworthy: President Macron is no Anglophile! History, especially French history, is very important to him.²

Under President Macron, France is again asserting its dominance in continental Europe.

Napoleon was very wary of democracy, and the EU is not democratic. The one thing that Brexit has so far demonstrated is that Britain is a true democracy – albeit in need of reform. But, like France, the EU is presidential: it is an oligarchy, only supported by a democratic assembly.

There is little doubt that this disaster and the outpouring of national sentiment accompanying it are in accord with President Macron's objectives for France in Europe, as would the Olympics in Paris in 2024 being seen as a glittering affirmation of the EU and its position in the world. If we value our freedom and integrity, it's another signal to Britain to leave as soon as possible.

Dr Chris Wright

Notes

1 It is worth noting that M. Macron's Masters thesis at Nanterre University, Paris, was on Machiavelli and Hegel.

2 Interestingly, Macron was born in Amiens. In 1803 Britain broke the Treaty of Amiens to form an alliance against Napoleon, and ultimately (together with Prussia) defeated him. I am sure this fact is not lost on Macron.

Paul Luckraft reviews ‘God and My Mobile’ by Nigel Cameron (CARE, 2018)

Last week we reviewed Nigel Cameron’s book ‘The Robots Are Coming’ published by CARE (Christian Action Research and Education). Professor Cameron is a leading Christian thinker on the new technologies and their impact on society.

This week we look at his second book, which is also highly recommended - not just for those with a particular interest in technology but for all Christians who want to be better informed about our digital age.

Despite its title, this book is about more than the mobile phone. It is an exploration of the whole digital explosion (a better term than ‘revolution’) that the author insists is far from over. In fact, “It has hardly started” (p13). Ours is a world unimaginable 40 years ago and which will continue to be transformed year on year.

Christians are going to need to come to terms with a society not only full of technology but driven by it. We will have to occupy the same world as everyone else, but when it comes to technology we will need to learn to “handle it differently” (p15). This book helps us towards that goal.

More Than a Phone

Of course, the mobile phone is more than just a phone and as such represents the whole digital world. In one chapter, Cameron lists 25 things your mobile can do (which may not be a comprehensive list). Moreover, the device we carry about today is already a million times more powerful than the mainframe computers that put a man on the moon, and we need to understand the challenges that this presents.

The device we carry about today is a million times more powerful than the mainframe computers that put a man on the moon.

The fundamental question is whether this century will see technology take over and start to rule over us, rather than vice versa. Throughout his book the author often refers to, and quotes from, the Centre for Humane Technology, a group “run by world-class disaffected leaders from the earlier days of the big tech companies that wants to put technology in its proper place” (p22).

‘Smart’ Lives

After the introductory three chapters, the book divides into four parts. Part 1 describes ‘The Incredible Journey’ of how we got here and is followed in Part 2 by six major challenges. Part 3 focuses on how we live ‘the mobile life’ and the final part asks what are the next steps. The book ends with three useful appendices for further study, discussion and prayer.

The history outlined in Part 1 is fascinating to read and leads us to the point of wondering what it will be like to live in an increasingly ‘smart’ home, where real-world objects are connected to the internet and (through the internet) to each other. These ‘cyber-physical systems’ will be all around us, and everything will eventually get plugged into everything else. One estimate is that we shall soon have 100 connected devices in every home. The house that spies on you is not far away!

The chapter on Amazon’s flagship technology ‘Alexa’ is particularly informative. Machines that listen to us and can speak back are becoming commonplace. Cameron also examines the whole social media phenomenon, explaining how the big companies exploit data for financial gain. As this is a new book, the examples are very up-to-date.

Christians have to occupy the same world as everyone else, but when it comes to technology we will need to learn to handle it differently.

The six challenges are illuminating. We know that our mobiles are immensely powerful portable friends helping us access global knowledge and communication, but here we learn about how they are also designed to distract us and prey on our vulnerabilities.

The author also discusses issues of privacy and security, exploring how we are at the mercy of the wealth, power and reach of the tech tycoons.

A Dangerous Gift?

Cameron believes that the internet should be seen as a gift from God, something to be welcomed that can enhance our lives in so many ways. Yet he is also clear that it has many dangerous features. One he highlights is that it is a breeding ground for fake news, false ideas and pseudo-science. The internet has become a playground for charlatans, eccentrics and other online crazies.

Towards the end of the book he again stresses how our vulnerability becomes someone else’s opportunity: for profit, exploitation or indoctrination. Our attention is deliberately captivated, potentially to the extent that addiction and spiritual wreckage can follow – not just for ourselves but also potentially for our children.

Overall, this is a well-produced book on glossy paper with colour photos. It has good endnotes and a useful glossary of terms, and is well indexed for easy reference. Recommended.

‘God and My Mobile: Keeping the faith in a digital world’ (168 pages, paperback) is available for £8.00 + P&P from CARE.

What's changed in 100 years?

This week the Russian Revolution catches our attention. 100 years ago on the 7^th and 8^th November, what was called the October Revolution sealed the uprising that had been fermenting through the year of 1917.

Lenin, with a group of exiled revolutionaries, had arrived the previous April at the Finland Station in St Petersburg in what was called a ‘sealed train’, shepherded across Europe under close German supervision. The train is on display at this station to this day. This dramatic arrival raised popular support which increased through the following months, until the Russian revolution fully matured through popular uprising.

Lenin’s Bolsheviks organised the armed forces and the Red Guards who, commanded by the Military Revolutionary Committee, took control of government buildings on 7 November 1917. The Winter Palace, seat of Provincial Government, was captured the following day. The rule of the aristocracy was over; the rule of the people had begun, in what became an era of communism.

A demonstration in Petrograd, July 1917.Revolution in the Air

That was 100 years ago this week. Memory of this revolution is prompting comparisons with what could turn out to be a new revolutionary fervour developing in our day.

Today there is a new phenomenon: the power of communication through the established news media has now been broadened and intensified through the internet and social media. The new weapons of revolution are the smart phone and the tablet.

How would Lenin have made use of today’s media channels to cultivate support for the communist cause? He would undoubtedly have exploited them with relish.

The social discontent that gave rise to communism can rise again. This time the ferment of discontent can be brought to the boil and turned for particular ends powerfully and rapidly through the global community of the internet.

The ferment of discontent can be brought to the boil and turned for particular ends powerfully and rapidly through the internet.

The Power to Raise Up, Tear Down

The power of the media has long been well-known. Selective reporting on TV and in the papers has had the powerful effect of cultivating mind-sets and worldviews for many years. So have the arts in the film industry.

But in just a few years we have seen the power of the communication media rise to an astonishing level. It is now even capable of raising up new leaders of the nations (e.g. playing a powerful part in the elections of the USA, France and the UK).

The freedom of the Press is a recognised right to defend in modern-day democracies, and for good reason, but this freedom nevertheless brings with it the potential for exploitation. Journalists can easily exploit the power it carries, knowing that politicians, economists, city institutions, the monarchy and even the Church needs to be careful of how they are presented to the public.

The media has the power to raise up and tear down – individuals, organisations, even governments.

Trial by Media

Notice that whatever the media chooses to highlight brings about swift results. Furthermore, irrespective of the rights and wrongs of individuals there can be no doubt that ‘trial by media’ plays its part in shaping the consequences of issues brought to the attention of the watching public.

The Westminster sex scandal is a recent example. We can only guess at the scale of the media’s contribution to Michael Fallon’s resignation as Defence Minister or the tragic suicide of Carl Sargeant, the Welsh Government Minister, but surely the clues indicate that it was significant, either directly or indirectly.

Whatever the media chooses to highlight brings about swift results.

What the media exposes becomes the issue of the day and forces rapid response. The media selects what the general population treats as the issue of importance, from one day to the next. To further emphasise the relevance of this, even this week we have heard of the tax avoidance schemes that, despite not being illegal, have drawn into suspicion the Queen and Prince Charles, among the wealthier of society. Our attention to the sex scandal was redirected to this within days, as if there is a war on to expose and bring down all in the public eye, particularly those in positions of authority.

Welsh Minister Carl Sargeant, who recently committed suicide. See Photo Credits.The point is not in the rights and wrongs, but to illustrate the power of the media. The issue that led to the resignation of Priti Patel, the International Development Secretary, was sparked by a BBC reporter.

One might ask if some of these issues are better discussed behind the scenes than in public, according to biblical principles of one-to-one reconciliation rather than in the public view. But what we are witnessing is a new media-influenced form of democracy that seems to grow stronger each day.

Added to the traditional news media, increasingly powerful is the use of social media to send waves of reaction through the communities of our nations, so that even fake news (declared the 2017 ‘word of the year’ by the Collins Dictionary) can prompt reaction as if it were true. Be sure that this is understood by those who need to cultivate popular support and sway public opinion, so that behind the scenes we have the potential for popular uprising that could be sparked intentionally or by default at any time.

Revolutions Can Happen

Remembrance of the Russian Revolution prompts us to realise that revolutions can and do happen. Add to this the general discontent that is so characteristic of our modern day and we can almost feel the potential for social uprising. It could happen - with increasing likelihood as the days go by.

Another thing we learn from the Russian Revolution is that what seems like a great and cleansing move with hope for the future at the time, turns out to be a disappointment as the years go by. This too would be the inevitable result of any social revolution in our day, save for a revolution of new faith in the Lord. And dashed hope could, more quickly than in previous revolutions, cultivate a tremendous backlash of social discontent in the future. We are in a vulnerable position.

With all revolutions, what seems like a great and cleansing move with hope for the future at the time turns out to be a disappointment as the years go by.

Yet, as Christians, we realise there is a higher, more perfect plan being outworked, whatever this current period of history sweeps in through the swirling tides of struggle for power and survival.

God is Working His Purpose Out

Personally, I have a little anecdote which illustrates to me how the work of God proceeds quietly, yet powerfully, despite the world’s revolutions.

When Lenin arrived on his train in St Petersburg 100 years ago, among those who fled the country was a certain man who came to the UK. His forefather had, many years before, opened the Gardner porcelain factory in Moscow and succeeded in business, producing porcelain that was sold to such as the Tsar - on a par with Royal Doulton in the UK. He was, therefore, a ‘White Russian’ about to be persecuted by the ‘Reds’.

On arrival in the UK, this descendant of the founder of the porcelain factory married a young girl from Wales. They had three daughters, one of whom I met in 1964. We have recently celebrated our golden wedding anniversary. But for Lenin, my family life would have been quite different. Our four children, seven grandchildren and three great-grandchildren would not have been born, along with all the history that surrounds our little corner of the world.

I say “but for Lenin”, but I would rather say “but for God”. We may be in a world that is ripe for new revolutions, but in small (yet big) ways we will find God at work. As a popular hymn goes, “God is working His purpose out as year succeeds to year”. Paul put it this way:

I am persuaded that neither death nor life, nor angels nor principalities nor powers, nor things present nor things to come, nor height nor depth, nor any other created thing, shall be able to separate us from the love of God which is in Christ Jesus our Lord. (Romans 8:38-39)

The Russian Revolution was used by God to bring me my wife. He is preparing a Bride for his son, Jesus, despite all the rebellion and revolutions of this world. We who know him must be careful not to be swayed by popular uprisings as they are cultivated by the media of our day, but to fix our eyes on Jesus, discern what he is doing, largely hidden from the world but given to us through the gift of discernment.

A child of the age: we continue our new series on the origins of the charismatic movement.

“Ephraim mixes with the nations...Foreigners sap his strength, but he does not realise it. His hair is sprinkled with grey, but he does not notice”. (Hosea 7:8-9)

Since the days of the Industrial Revolution, Britain has been a class-dominated society, the product of twin forces of industrialisation and urbanisation, which broke the power of the landowners and the old social order of feudalism. This was replaced by the new social classes of entrepreneurs, industrialists, skilled craftsmen and unskilled workers.

The latter formed a new class of landless peasants at the mercy of the owners of industry, who not only controlled the means of production but also owned the houses which their workers rented from them. Thus, from the earliest days of industrialisation, the British working classes saw themselves as the powerless ones who had to fight for survival against their economic oppressors. The seeds were sown of the class warfare which bedevilled British industry for 200 years, the legacy of which is still with us today.

Political Upheaval: The People vs the Privileged

The beginning of the 20^th Century saw the Labour movement beginning to become an organised political force, but it took two world wars in the first half of the century to break the social mould. The Atlee Government of 1945 was the first Socialist administration to obtain real power in Britain. Their legislative programme of social reform and reconstruction was to have far-reaching consequences which changed the face of Britain for the rest of the century.

The creation of the Welfare State with its boasted objective of caring for each individual from the cradle to the grave was designed to eliminate poverty and ensure justice for all. This objective was fully in line with the prevailing mood throughout the world which saw the post-war generation striving for freedom, justice, self-determination, equality and prosperity for all.

The post-war generation strove for freedom, justice, self-determination, equality and prosperity for all.

In industrial societies this was expressed in various forms of socialism, while in non-industrial societies it was anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism. Marxism in various forms spread right across the world as an expression of the aspirations of the poor and oppressed. This was in harmony with the rise of black consciousness in societies dominated by whites and the rise of nationalism in countries dominated by foreign nationals or alien ethnic groups.

In retrospect, the 20^th Century may be seen as a period of ‘the people versus the privileged’; a revolution of the oppressed against rulers and oppressors; a struggle for justice and freedom for all.

By the middle of the century this movement reached a peak of political consciousness as it combined with the post-World War II period of reconstruction and the anti-war/pro-peace movement. During the 1950s and early 1960s the political expression of these aspirations reached its height with the achievement of independence in most of the former European colonial territories. In Asia, India, the Middle East, Africa and South America the face of the world changed; the global map had to be redrawn.

Social Change: The Birth of Pop Culture

During this same period a new movement was birthed, particularly in the USA and Europe: an ideological and social movement destined to have as far-reaching effects as its political counterpart. It was what sociologists have termed 'pop culture'; a spontaneous, youth-dominated, ideological movement expressing the hopes and aspirations of the post-war-generation in the rich industrial nations of the West.

The prevailing economic and social conditions in these nations were ripe for just such an ideological movement. The post-war reconstruction period required massive building programmes of houses, offices, industrial plants and roads. The demand for labour was high which, in Britain, brought immigration from former colonies. But, even more significantly, it increased the wages of working people and opened up lifestyles beyond the imagination of former generations.

In Britain, for the first time in history, young people were able to command high wages. Even school leavers were able to go straight into unskilled work with large pay packets at the end of the week. Almost overnight a new consumer class was born with high purchasing power and minimal social responsibilities. These were young single people with no families to support, no mortgages, but with money in their pockets.

‘Pop culture’ developed as a youth-dominated ideological movement expressing the aspirations and hopes of the post-war generation in the West.

A free enterprise economy quickly adjusted to produce goods satisfying to this new consumer group. The market became youth-dominated, with clothing fashions, records, hi-fi equipment, motorbikes, youth festivals, fast-food joints and a wide variety of material goods and activities designed to meet the desires and fulfil the demands of rapidly changing pop fashions.

Public awareness of the birth of this new ideological movement dawned as a rude awakening. It came in 1956 with the arrival in Britain of an American film, Rock Around the Clock, featuring Bill Haley and a new strain of music known as 'rock'n'roll'. The film was screened in a cinema at the Elephant and Castle, in south-east London. The largely teenage audience ripped up the seats and rocked in the aisles which sent shock waves through the nation. It was soon followed by a multitude of home-grown youth musicians, skiffle groups, guitarists and rock bands.

The age of DIY had arrived. Young people did not simply want to be passive audiences, they wanted to do it themselves, either by being performers or at least joining actively in the physical activity of dancing, jiving, rocking and rolling, dressing up as Teddy boys or Mods and Rockers, driving in their motorcycle gangs and generally terrorising the older generation. The latter hailed the birth of pop culture with a dread of the future, believing the whole world to have gone mad.

Educational Change

An important agent in creating the social conditions which gave rise to pop culture was the education system which, during this period, experienced radical and far-reaching changes generated by a new educational philosophy. A new breed of teachers was produced in the post-war period, many of them with Marxist leanings, or at least strong socialist principles.

They rejected the 'chalk and talk' Victorian methods of teaching which relied heavily on learning by rote. The new philosophy centred upon the 'discovery method' of education. Instead of an active teacher instructing a passive class of pupils, children were encouraged to discover facts for themselves.

This meant that they no longer sat still and were punished for speaking; they were encouraged to work in groups, to carry out little research projects in the library, the countryside or the city streets. Physical punishment was seen as degrading and offensive to the rights of children. This in turn had its effect upon family life and discipline in the home, as well as social behaviour on the football terraces and in the streets.

A new breed of teachers was produced in the post-war period, many of them with Marxist leanings, or at least strong socialist principles.

Legislative Change

The ideological revolution which spawned pop culture was aided, strengthened and, in many ways, made socially effective, by legislation. Many far-reaching social reforms were effected in a 20-year period following World War II.

It may be questioned whether they were responsible for the social revolution which has taken place in Britain in the second half of the 20^th Century or whether they simply reflected changing social values. It is probably a chicken-and-egg situation in which both are true, as the one influenced the other.

The first major ideological reform was the repeal of the Witchcraft Act in 1951 followed by the Obscene Publications Act (1959). These were followed in the 1960s by a string of measures effecting far-reaching social reform, dealing with race relations, capital punishment, homosexual acts, abortion and the discarding of censorship in publications and public entertainments.
All these measures reflected the desire for freedom of choice and a society reputedly coming of age where people were able to make their own assessment of right and wrong, the good and the harmful.

Pop culture developed into a powerful social movement which created a society based upon 'situation ethics' rather than moral absolutes. In essence, it was both hedonistic and individualistic. It was a society leaving behind the restrictions of the past and moving into new eras of individual freedom. Society was sailing into uncharted waters, driven by the strong winds of moral anarchy. Such a philosophy could only end in social anarchy - a society in which everyone does that which is right in their own eyes.

Coming up: Over the next three weeks we will look at characteristics of pop culture and how these infiltrated and shaped the Church.

Originally published in 1995. Revised Oct/Nov 2017.